Soviet Agent Oscar D. Skelton Recruited Soviet Agent Lester Bowles Pearson into the Civil Service of Canada

Foreword

In his 1982 pamphlet entitled “Inside the Featherbed File? … “, former undercover RCMP Officer, Patrick Walsh, gave a cameo image of Oscar D. Skelton.

Walsh reports that in the “Featherbed” file, other RCMP Officers claim to have established that the “Father of Canada’s Civil Service”, meaning Skelton, was a Soviet agent, a recruit of Louis Kon of the USSR’s infamous Comintern.

Walsh also alludes to a short reference on Skelton in Peter C. Newman’s The Canadian Establishment. Said Walsh:

In his best-seller, The Canadian Establishment, Peter C. Newman gives only a superficial thumbnail sketch of comrade Oscar Skelton: “During the next 16 years, Skelton founded and built up Canada’s External Affairs department and as MacKenzie King’s closest adviser became the most important civil servant in Ottawa.” In his Appendix I dealing with Ottawa’s Mandarins, there is only a mere mention of Skelton’s belonging to the Rideau Club and having taught at Queen’s University, and no mention of his membership in the Canadian-Soviet Friendship Society & how he also enticed* MacKenzie King to join!

Walsh continues:

Skelton was careful to groom only pro-Soviet civil servants in the External Affairs Department. Most of them were being briefed by the Canadian Institute of International Affairs (CIIA), the Canadian branch of the notorious pro-Soviet Institute of Pacific Relations. Many of them (including Lester B. Pearson) saw service in Washington & London where their counterparts were also members of Soviet espionage rings.

According to declassified parts of the infamous Silvermaster spy file, Elizabeth Bentley, an American who had worked for the Soviets in military intelligence defected back to America and was debriefed on a number of occasions, including by the U.S. McCarran Committee and by agents of the New York Office of the FBI in 1951.

Bentley revealed that Lester (akaMike”) Pearson, a “highly placed Canadian government official” in “the Canadian Embassy in Washington” in 1943 and 1944, fed information to Soviet military intelligence (i.e., Bentley, herself) on “top level British policy and political matters” through Hazen Size, a “member of the Canadian Film Board in Washington, D. C.” with whom Pearson was “very friendly in Canada”, the two being “connected with left wing circles in that country”.

“By confidential memorandum dated August 27, 1951, Inspector Bayfield of the RCMP was advised of the identical information provided to the Department of State and the Department of Justice under letters of that date” by Elizabeth Bentley.

Nonetheless, Soviet agent Lester Bowles Pearson, who at some point was President of the infamous Canadian Institute of International Affairs (CIIA) which was “briefing” the pro-Soviets hired by Skelton, rose to become Prime Minister of Canada.

The following black and white archival video footage documents the fact that Red agent, Oscar D. Skelton, recruited Red agent Lester Bowles Pearson into Mackenzie King’s federal civil service.

TRANSCRIPT:

Lester (Mike) Pearson, M.A.

Lester (Mike) Pearson, M.A.


Narrator: Armed with his M.A., Mike (aka Lester Bowles Pearson) returned to Canada, and the next few years found him lecturing in history and coaching sports at the University of Toronto.

But, off in Ottawa, a Dr. O. D. Skelton was Deputy Minister of a new department called External Affairs.

He intruded into the academic life and asked Mike to write a civil service examination.

O. D. Skelton and Lester (Mike) Bowles Pearson

O. D. Skelton and Lester (Mike) Bowles Pearson

Lester Pearson: It was one of the top positions in this new department. And I thought it would be a good thing to write. I didn’t have any particular intention of taking the job. But I thought it’d be interesting to write it. And uh — I never can resist a competition.

Lester (Mike) Pearson, M.A. (class)

Lester (Mike) Pearson, M.A. (class)

Narrator: He won. It was 1927. Mackenzie-King was Prime Minister, and it was Canada’s Diamond Jubilee when Mike Pearson came to Ottawa.

Mackenzie-King was Prime Minister

Mackenzie-King was Prime Minister

Lester Pearson: I was uh — I had rather a kind of a — exalted idea of foreign offices and diplomacy from reading books. And uh, I considered I had achieved a pretty — a position pretty high — of professional distinction. I was now almost a diplomat, and, perhaps I was a little too impressed by my transition.

Parliament Buildings, Ottawa (1927)

Parliament Buildings, Ottawa (1927)

I remember going into the door — through the door at the East Block behind Dr. Skelton and the guard saluted Dr. Skelton smartly and paid no attention to me whatever. I thought, well, obviously, he doesn’t know who I am.

Well, he didn’t pay any attention to me for a good many years.

– 30 –
 

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* Quite frankly, I doubt that Mackenzie King was “enticed” into the Canadian-Soviet Friendship Society. I think he walked in happily. Nor do I believe he was merely the “docile puppet” that some have made him out to be. King was a long-time protégé of the infamous American financiers of the bloody Bolshevik “revolution” (military coup on Russia) in 1979: the moneybag Rockefellers. The Rockefellers’ oil empire in America was financed by the equally if not more infamous Rothschilds of Europe who also financed the 1917 war of the Jews upon Russia. The Rockefellers maintained a leash on their Liberal poodle Mackenzie King by employing him in between his elected mandates. In a like manner, Power Corporation of Canada today, whose top men sit on the Board and Senate of the CIIA which was briefing the Reds recruited by Skelton, have kept all their own political dogs well fed between stints in the Prime Minister’s Office — (i.e., Pierre Elliott Trudeau, Jean Chrétien, Paul Martin Junior). All these men, as well as other coddled agents of the supercapitalists, have been involved in merging North America into a Leninist regional union). Ed. NSIM.

Read more on Skelton in Patrick Walsh’s “Inside the Featherbed File?“:

 

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The Last Days of the Patriarch: by Alexandre Trudeau

Foreword:

Bizarre Adoration of Castro by the Trudeau Clan

On Tuesday evening, October 12th, 2012 in his Liberal riding of Papineau in Montreal, federal member of parliament, Justin Trudeau, held a rally to announce his bid for the Liberal leadership.

Isn’t he dreamy? Justin Trudeau

Isn’t he dreamy? Justin Trudeau

Press and media, notably the Washington-based Huffington Post, appear to be aiming at another “Trudeau coronation”. Huffington is hard-selling the inexperienced and unaccomplished 41-year-old Justin the way his father was sold in 1968: as masculine. Among its disturbingly obvious political campaign offerings is a 4-part e-book and an extensive photo album of the little rich kid’s lifestyle.

And again, as in ’68, all question of the Trudeaus’ support of Communism is either stifled by ignoring it, or countered in advance by unexpected apologists (a separate post is coming on Peter Worthington, anti-communist opponent of the original Trudeau).

He’s a millionaire, you say; why would he support communism?

His father was a millionaire: he supported communism. Millionaires built communism; international banks and multinational corporations built the USSR; they financed the Bolshevik Revolution; they paid to Sovietize Russia; they looked the other way while its citizens died in slave labor camps to get it done.

I invite you to view a very different family album which neither the Huffington Post nor apparently anyone else is bringing to light.

This one illustrates the bizarre, intimate relationship of the entire Trudeau clan with a Communist dictator. Justin’s brother, Alexandre, unselfconsciously revealed the depth and effects of that relationship in 2006 in a heart-felt elegy to the dictator which he penned in English for the Toronto Sun and in French for La Presse.

The occasion was the birthday of the dictator, Fidel Castro, who had turned 80, and who had handed his responsibilities over to his own brother, Vice-President Raúl Castro. (Raúl assumed the full presidency in 2008.)

The personal friendship of Pierre Trudeau and of his wife and three sons with Fidel Castro, is politically problematic. What, precisely, was the effect on Justin Trudeau of this close personal family relationship with Castro?

One son (the late Micha) was a personal favorite of Castro’s; the other son — Alexandre — is clearly under the Castro spell. The mother who raised her sons to adore Fidel, had herself declared that Castro was the ‘sexiest man alive’. Add to this that the mother’s mental instability is well known.

Alexandre’s 2006 article is not only remarkable for its lack of normal moral discernment, but for the apparently thorough Communist brainwashing of its author that it reveals. Responsible journalists should be questioning the frame of mind of the author’s brother: Liberal leadership candidate, Justin Trudeau.

Raised in the same environment, with the same special Cuban friend, by two parents who uncritically adored Castro, Justin — a man with no particular accomplishments but his ability to spend his father’s money — would like to be Prime Minister of Canada.

While some journalists rush to absolve Justin of his father’s Communist past, none are doing what is obviously necessary.

Justin embracing Fidel Castro on the death of his father, the Communist

Justin embracing Fidel Castro on the death of his father, the Communist

Justin Trudeau should be asked what he thinks of world government, North American Union, and yes, Communism. (I could answer those questions for him, but I won’t do that in this post.)

Here is the troubling article penned by Justin Trudeau’s brother Alexandre as a monument to the Trudeau family’s beloved Fidel Castro. Fidel attended Pierre Trudeau’s funeral in Montreal in September 2000. At left, Castro is seen embracing Justin.
 

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EXCLUSIVE: Pierre Trudeau had a friendship with Fidel Castro that went beyond politics. It was a mutual admiration between two men who put their unmatched intellects at the service of their country. On Castro’s 80th birthday, an essay by Alexandre Trudeau.

EXCLUSIVE Alexandre Trudeau; Toronto; Aug 13, 2006; pg. A.4
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Alexandre Trudeau

Alexandre Trudeau

I grew up knowing that Fidel Castro had a special place among my family’s friends. We had a picture of him at home: a great big man with a beard who wore military fatigues and held my baby brother Michel in his arms. When he met my little brother in 1976, he even gave him a nickname that would stick with him his whole life: “Micha-Miche.”

A few years later, when Michel was around 8 years old, I remember him complaining to my mother that my older brother and I both had more friends than he did. My mother told him that, unlike us, he had the greatest friend of all: he had Fidel.

Fidel Castro, Pierre Trudeau, Margaret Trudeau, Micha-Miche, Michel (1976)

Fidel Castro, Pierre Trudeau, Margaret Trudeau, Micha-Miche, Michel (1976)

For many years, Cuba remained Michel’s exclusive realm; whenever someone would accompany my father there, it would naturally be Michel. It wasn’t until after both my father’s and brother’s deaths that I got a chance to visit Fidel and his country, Cuba.

Fidel may have been at first a political contact of my father’s but their relationship was much more than that. It was extra-political.

Indeed, like my father, in private, Fidel is not a politician. He is more in the vein of a great adventurer or a great scientific mind. Fidel doesn’t really do politics. He is a revolutionary.

Fidel Castro, Maggie, Alexandre

Fidel Castro, Maggie, Alexandre

He lives to learn and to put his knowledge in the service of the revolution. For Fidel, revolution is really a work of reason. In his view, revolution, when rigorously adopted, cannot fail to lead humanity towards ever greater justice, towards an ever more perfect social order.

Fidel is also the most curious man that I have ever met. He wants to know all there is to be known. He is famous for not sleeping, instead spending the night studying and learning.

He also knows what he doesn’t know, and when he meets you he immediately seeks to identify what he might learn from you. Once he has ascertained an area of expertise that might be of interest, he begins with his questions. One after the other. He synthesizes information quickly and gets back to you with ever deeper and more complex questions, getting more and more excited as he illuminates, through his Socratic interrogation, new parcels of knowledge and understanding he might add to his own mental library.

His intellect is one of the most broad and complete that can be found. He is an expert on genetics, on automobile combustion engines, on stock markets. On everything.

Combined with a Herculean physique and extraordinary personal courage, this monumental intellect makes Fidel the giant that he is.

He is something of a superman. My father once told us how he had expressed to Fidel his desire to do some diving in Cuba. Fidel took him to the most enchanting spot on the island and set him up with equipment and a tank. He stood back as my father geared up and began to dive alone.

When my father had reached a depth of around 60 feet, he realized that Fidel was down there with him, that he had descended without a tank and that there he was with a knife in hand prying sea urchins off the ocean floor, grinning.

Back on the surface, they feasted on the raw sea urchins, seasoned with lime juice.

Fidel Castro, the Merman

Fidel Castro, the Merman

An anachronism

Fidel turns 80 years old today. A couple of weeks ago, he shocked the world by turning power over to his brother Raul after holding it without interruption since the 1959 revolution. In newspapers across the world, pundits solemnly declared that even giants are mortal and that no revolution is eternal. Historians even began to prepare the space that will be granted Fidel in history books.

Fidel may seem an anachronism: a visionary statesman in a world where his kind have long since been replaced by mere managers, a 20th-century icon still present in the 21st century.

There is also wild speculation about what fate awaits Cuba after Castro. It is important to note, however, that while the whole world works itself up about the matter, Cubans themselves play it cool. Some of my shrewder Cuban friends even say that this temporary withdrawal from power is another one of Castro’s clever strategies; that it is something of a test and that he will soon be back at the helm. They say that, on one hand, Castro is allowing the Cuban people, and more specifically the Cuban state apparatus, to become accustomed to the leadership of his brother Raul. On the other hand, Castro is carefully watching for hints as to how the world ? and, more importantly, the United States ? will react to his final departure.

Castro Hercules

Castro Hercules

Cubans remain very proud of Castro, even those who don’t share his vision. They know that, among the world’s many peoples, they have the most audacious and brilliant of leaders. They respect his intellectual machismo and rigour.

But Castro’s leadership can be something of a burden, too. They do occasionally complain, often as an adolescent might complain about a too strict and demanding father. The Jefe (chief) sees all and knows all, they might say.

In particular, young Cubans have told me that an outsider cannot ever really imagine what it is like to live in such a hermetic society, where everyone has an assigned spot and is watched and judged carefully. You can never really learn on your own, they might say. The Jefe always knows what is best for you. It can be suffocating, they say.

I met a young man in the small provincial town of Remedios who worked there as a cigar roller. We shared a great love for the works of Dostoyevsky. When I expressed to him my excitement at meeting a fellow aficionado of Russian literature, he flatly told me:

“Yes, Fidel has taught me to read and to think, but look what work he sets me out to do with this education: I roll cigars!”

Literate but very poor

Cuba under Castro is a remarkably literate and healthy country, but it is undeniably poor. Historians will note, however, that never in modern times has a small, peaceful country been more subjected to unfair and malicious treatment by a superpower than Cuba has by the United States.

From the very start, the United States never gave Castro’s Cuba a choice. Either Castro had to submit himself and his people to America’s will or he had to hold his ground against them.

Which is what he did, in the process drawing the Cuban people into this taxing dialectic that continues to this day. Cubans pay the price and may occasionally complain of their fate, but they rarely blame Castro. The United States never fails to make the Cuban people well aware of its spite for this small neighbouring country that dares to be independent.

Castro Superman

Castro Superman

With the possible exception of Nelson Mandela, already well into retirement, Fidel is the last of the global patriarchs. Reason, revolution and virtue are becoming more and more distant and abstract concepts. We will perhaps never see another patriarch.

We thus have to conceive of the departure of the last patriarch in psychoanalytical terms. The death of the father doesn’t signal our liberation from him ? quite the contrary. The death of a father so grand and present as Castro will, rather, immortalize him in the minds of his children.

Castro Patriarche

Castro Patriarche

It is true that Cubans may eventually cast away the communist orthodoxy of the revolution. They will become tempted by American capital and values as soon as the embargo against them is lifted, something that will surely follow in the not so distant future. They will have new opportunities for individual fulfillment and downfall. Without a doubt, Cuba without Castro will not remain unchanged.

But Cubans will continue to be subjected to Castro’s influence. Whether they like it or not, they will continue to be called out by his voice, by his questions, by his inescapable rationality, which, whether they heed its call or not, demands they defend the integrity of Cuba and urges them to seek justice and excellence in all things.

For a generation to come, they will be haunted by the vision of a society that never existed and probably never will exist, but which their once-leader, the most brilliant and obsessed of all, never stopped believing could exist and should exist.

Cubans will always feel privileged that they, and they alone, had Fidel.

– 30 –

The Featherbed File: Trudeau Squelches Own RCMP File

INSIDE THE FEATHERBED FILE: Treason in the Civil Service
by RCMP Undercover Officer Patrick Walsh

BAMBOOZLED JOE CLARK

Pierre Elliott Trudeau

Pierre Elliott Trudeau

It was his home-town publication, The Gazette, which pinpointed how secret Orders-in-Council were used by Trudeau to ensure that the new Prime Minister Joe Clark would be bamboozled into an agreement whereby the hitherto unpublished portions of the Gouzenko report as well as the subsequent Featherbed File remained sealed for at least 20 years.

Following, are excerpts from a report published in the 1 October 1979 issue of The Montreal Gazette:

In a secret Order-in-Council issued in his last days as Prime Minister, PierreTrudeau ordered all the police intelligence files on him and his Cabinet colleagues be sealed for at least 20 years, The Gazette has learned.

The files were part of a top-secret investigation called ‘Operation Featherbed’ that was started by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police in the early 1960s.

Prime Minister Joe Clark agreed in a letter dated June 2 that Trudeau’s final Order-in-Council would be respected, an undertaking which has angered some Conservative MPs.

Repeated efforts by Trudeau and other senior Liberals to gain access to the Featherbed files were turned down by the RCMP security branch. But senior members of the security service have told the Gazette that the files include material on the private lives of influential Canadian figures, their past political affiliations, contacts with agents of foreign powers, private weaknesses or vices and even sexual practices. [Emphasis added]

Trudeau’s decision to issue an Order-in-Council sealing this Featherbed material just four days after the last federal election, but while he was still Prime Minister, also brought sharp rebukes from his former Cabinet colleagues.

There was such an uproar from backbenchers in the short-lived Clark government over this ‘Operation Cover-Up’ that pressure from the grassroots finally forced PM Joe Clark to make an amazing statement concerning the suppressed Featherbed File. The following excerpts are from a Toronto Star report, 1 December 1979:

The Prime Minister (Clark) said he has no intention of ever making the (Featherbed) file public. ‘Were we to publish that, we would be giving credence to gossip that affects people, some of whom are still in Ottawa, he told a news conference.

Clark’s blunt remarks conflict with the Royal Canadian Mounted Police and back-bench MPs in his own party who maintain that the files show direct links between government officials and the Communist party.

Several MPs in the last month have demanded the government review the Taschereau Papers, secret records of a Royal Commission investigation of the 1946 Igor Gouzenko spy case, and check out reports that a ‘fifth man’ in the Anthony Blunt Soviet spy ring in Britain was Canadian.

Accusations also surfaced in Parliament this week that Jean-Louis Gagnon, a member of the Canadian Radio-Television and Telecommunications Commission, was connected with subversive groups…

The Sunday Star (Toronto), 7 June 1981, published a significant story by reporter John Picton. The first part of his report confirmed much of the Ottawa-based treason I have already mentioned, and then continued:

Lawrence also told the Sunday Star about the time he says he was asked not to check the Trudeau files.

He said he was approached ‘early on in the game’ (meaning Clark’s term of office) by a man who’d been appointed as custodian of Trudeau’s cabinet documents.

Under a so-called ‘convention,’ leaders of incoming governments traditionally have signed an agreement not to delve into cabinet papers of an outgoing administration.

Tory leader Joe Clark signed such an agreement – drawn tip by Trudeau’s office – the night before he was sworn in as prime minister.

Before signing, Clark wanted to consult Lawrence since he was appointing him solicitor-general, but couldn’t find him (‘I don’t know why he couldn’t find me’).

Some Tory MPs – Lawrence among them – think that was a mistake because the agreement, they allege, went much farther than any previous pact and effectively locked away many more papers than just cabinet documents.

(Tory MP Tom Cossitt describes the signing as ‘a grave error’).

‘He (the custodian) asked me specifically not to request documents relating to Trudeau’s personal life,’ Lawrence said. He said the RCMP had them, like past history associations.

‘They related to security questions about Trudeau himself in his younger days,’ when Trudeau was a world traveller.

The custodian – named by Lawrence but unavailable for comment -‘was obviously perturbed about he availability to me of these documents, and he indicated to me it would be a blow below the belt if I started looking at those.’

Lawrence wouldn’t say if he did look at them.

…. Cossitt (the Tory MP) also says that one of Trudeau’s last acts as prime minister in 1979, before handing over office to Clark, was to sign an order-in-council preventing the McDonald commission into RCMP wrongdoing from seeing certain cabinet documents without his permission.

The agreement Clark signed ensured that the order would stand.

But, says Lawrence, that agreement covered far more than cabinet documents. As solicitor-general he’d tried to see documents relating to the 35-year-old Gouzenko spy case dealing with a Soviet espionage ring.

Civil servants wouldn’t show them to him because of a previous order from Trudeau’s office.

When Lawrence asked officials why certain ‘security breaches’ weren’t prosecuted, he was told that was the policy of the day. The reasons for that policy were locked away in cabinet papers.

‘I was given reports on what happened, but not on the reasons for the government decisions on why they didn’t prosecute. Canadian governments have hushed up all sorts of things.’

Lawrence added: ‘One of the weird aspects of this is that we can see more about our affairs in other countries than we can see in Canada.’

So much for the Star report which confirms three decades of warnings by Canadian Intelligence publications that treason has been riding high in Ottawa. It also confirms the fact that Joe Clark was so politically immature that Old Machiavelli, before handing over the keys to him for a brief interlude in 1979, tricked young Joe into actually covering up the Featherbed File scandal and thus unwittingly becoming himself a party to treason.

It was, as Mr. Lawrence implies, the civil servants, still under the former PM’s ‘orders,’who called the tune, not the ministers in the Clark Government!

TRUTH IS FINALLY EMERGING

The Edmonton Journal (30 March 1981) concluded an article on Lester Pearson’s cover-up for Soviet spy John Watkins:

A remaining question is why Pearson and the Liberal hierarchy decided to cover up for Watkins.

Was it simply because Pearson and Watkins were huge personal friends?’

If so, this meant that Pearson’s own priorities came ahead of those of Canadians in general would lead to many more exposures and create shattering embarrassment for the Liberal bureaucracy?’

E. D. Ward-Harris, Editor of the Victoria Times-Colonist, reviewing Chapman Pincher’s remarkable book, Their Trade is Treachery, in the 30 May 1981 issue, says that the mind ‘boggles’ at the extent of Soviet penetration in high government circles, and adds: ‘Why, after reading this book it wouldn’t surprise me to learn that some Western president or prime minister had been recruited by the KGB in his youth and was taking his orders from Moscow Centre through a handy controller. It wouldn’t surprise me at all.’

– 30 –